Sunday, August 10, 2008

A BRIEF HISTORY OF RASTAFARI MOVEMENTS



The Rastafaris draws their beliefs from the bible which they believe to have been incorrectly translated from the Aramaic and, for that reason, to contain some mistakes. They believe that through experience and intuition they can interpret it correctly and discern its truth.
Central to their belief is the doctrine that black people are descendants of the early Israelites and that they were exiled because of their transgressions. Their salvation will come, however, through Haile Selassie I., who, they believe, is God and their saviour, the incarnation of Jah -or Jehovah, the reincarnation of Christ, the one who will bring them to the Land of freedom, to Africa.
For them, Africa and, more precisely Ethiopia, is the home of Black people, the place where they can be saved. Salvation comes through repatriation. The meaning applied to repatriation varies among the believers. For some it means a physical return to Africa; others, however, think that the return to Africa does not need to be a physical return; most important is to become aware of their African identity, to re-establish their identity undermined by the different kinds of power, and to immediately start changing their reality right where they are.
Although they believe in reincarnation they are not concerned with the after life, as salvation happens here in their search for their home, in the search for Africa which is for them associated with heaven, while Babylon (that is the place of the white man, the white society) is associated with hell.
To be a rasta is to live in accordance with the laws of nature, in other words is to live in an African way.
In their diet they avoid meat, and above all, pork, alcohol, and food of unknown sources.
There is no obligation to attend rituals. They have, however collective reasoning sessions called nyahbinghi. In these sessions they reflect on the bible and on their history, as well as on the nature of God, destiny, and among other things the meaning of life.
In order to achieve discernment in these sessions, some of them make use of the ganja (marijuana). There are no strict rules concerning the use of ganja. However, according Rastafarians, the overuse of it might turn into an end in itself, which would be contrary to the aim of the group. So it should be used only in certain occasions.
Family life is very important and though marriage may not be formalized in the western Christian way, it is taken very seriously. Women, however, seem to have a lesser role in the movement as a whole. The family structure is a patriarchal one and therefore woman is subordinated to man, though she might, often, be the earner of the house. Abortion and contraception are forbidden.
For them it is important not just to believe in God, but to know God. To be a rasta is to live a process from believing to knowing, from knowing to experiencing. The importance of experience can be clearly perceived in their language, used as a tool of individual and group identity and awareness. An example of this can be seen in their use of the pronoun "I" that many times replace "me", or "you" or even radicals in words. so they may say "I and I" meaning "we". This reminds them of the awareness of oneself, of the awareness of being God.




History

In 1517 Jamaica started importing African slaves. Unhappy with their condition, many slaves escaped and began revolting against their white master. Even after the abolition of slavery many black people remained unhappy with the miserable condition of their life, and nourished a desire to go back to Africa. This desire started to take shape with movements concerned with the condition of black people. Marcus Garvey, considered a prophet by the rastas, had already formed in 1916 the UNIA (Universal Negroe Improvement Association). In 1929 he prophesied that redemption would come when a black king , descending from the lineage of David, would be crowned. This prophecy was confirmed when on november the second 1929 Negus Tafari - said to be descendent from the King David- was crowned king of Ethiopia, receiving the name of Haile Selassie I. with the enthronement of Haile Selassie I the rastafari movementwas inaugurated. Soon after the enthronement Leonard Howell, Joseph Hibbert, Archibald Dunkley, Robert Hinds and other members of the UNIA, decided to follow Haile Selassie as his disciples, and established the Rasta doctrine.[ After the Rastafari movement had started in the early1930s, Haile Selassie created in 1937 the Ethiopian World Federation (E.W.F.) and in 1938 opened a branch in Jamaica giving a considerable impulse to the movement. By 1940 Howell had established the first Rasta community at Pinnacle, Jamaica. In 1954 this community was dismembered by the police, which, in fact contributed to the dissemination of rastafari ideas.
After Haile Selassie's visit to Jamaica the doctrine of expatriation came to be regarded as a spiritual rather than literal expatriation, and the movement developed a more active, political role in Jamaica.
Despite Haile Selassie's death in August 1975, rastas believe that he is istil alive as he has always been.
In the course of time the movement spread from Jamaica to other partes of the world such as The United States and Europe. Artists and musicians have played a very important roll in this process, either influencing politicians inside Jamaica or promoting the movement in other countries.


Symbols


The dread locks are one of the ways Rastas use to emphasize their identity. It is related to the Lions and inspired on the bible.
Of particular importance to the Rastafarians are the colours gold, red, green, and black (the colours of the Ethiopian flag) which they use to identify themselves.


Adherents
It is estimated that there are some 100,000 Rastafarians in Jamaica (Harris et al. 1994, 197). There are also Rastafarians in Great Britain, the United States, and eslewhere in the Caribbean. It is not known how large these communities are.
It is estimated that there are some 100,000 Rastafarians in Jamaica (Harris et al. 1994, 197). There are also Rastafarians in Great Britain, the United States, and eslewhere in the Caribbean. It is not known how large these communities are.

Sunday, August 3, 2008

S.H.I.T

This Article Is Tribute Our Own Legend ShahnonAhmad

From: Asiaweek
Date: 06 May 1999
Time: 22:52:41


Shahnon Ahmad's satire outrages the Malaysian establishment
By Amir Muhammad / Kuala Lumpur


MALAYSIA'S LITERARY SCENE IS not one of the most exciting in the world. The average educated person would rather read stock-market reports than the latest fictional opus. No local writer can boast of a readership that cuts across barriers of ethnicity, language and age. Seen in this context, you might expect a homegrown best-seller to be greeted with joy. Think again.
True, the 30th novel by Malaysian literary lion Shahnon Ahmad is a runaway success. All 15,000 copies have been snapped up since its release in March. Bootleg versions are flooding the market to meet the demand. An English translation is on the way. But government politicians have called for a ban. Literary bureaucrats want to strip the writer of his National Laureate title. The novel is variously described as obscene, shameful and a disgrace.


Why all the fuss? To begin with, the Malay-language book is called Shit. Even more startling is the full title carried on an inside page: Shit@Pu*****@PM. The second word is a common but harsh Malay expletive referring to female genitalia. PM stands for exactly what you think it does. Prefacing that with two swear words is provocative enough. Worse, the plot revolves around a large turd, PM, which refuses to leave the bowels despite stinking up the place for almost 20 years. Other turds are constantly at PM's bidding. But instead of exiting naturally, PM expels an idealistic piece of excrement named Wirawan. PM is shocked when the outcast is welcomed by the public.


Only the most obtuse could fail to speculate that the novel is a satire on Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad and his government. Wirawan (from wira, or hero) is taken to represent sacked deputy premier Anwar Ibrahim, who was expelled from UMNO, Malaysia's dominant party. He was sentenced last month to six years' jail for interfering with investigations into his alleged sexual misconduct.


The 66-year-old author says extreme circumstances call for extreme responses. But is Shahnon's book any good? It starts with a burst of ferocious energy but sometimes lapses into repetition and bathos. The structure feels hurried. At 240 pages, the tale seems over long. But the blistering display of iconoclasm and earthy hyperbole is such that it would take an ass not to respond to the life-affirming humor. What has appalled some people is its unrelentingly bawdy, vituperative tone. Scatological imagery peppers world literature from Rabelais to The Arabian Nights. Malay writing,though, is usually more decorous.


Mahathir has yet to comment, but deputy home minister Ong Ka Ting says there will be no ban - that would only "draw attention to the book." It has already received an unprecedented level of notoriety. At first, pro-establishment newspapers could not bring themselves to even mention the title, but they soon lost any qualms. One recent headline screamed: "Shit: A shitty satire."
Shahnon doesn't mind the abuse. "I don't feel anything. At my age, if I don't speak my mind now, when will I get the chance?" he asks. "Writers should be themselves. What are the others afraid of? "Most of his fellow literati prefer to keep quiet or merely chide the author for bad language. Faisal Tehrani, an award-winning young scribe, is not among them: "There's so much hypocrisy among our writers. Shit is a good work of satire because it's brave and approachable. We've been trying for years to make literature not seem like some elitist, esoteric game." Others see an even greater impact. Kee Thuan Chye, literary editor of the New Straits Times, calls the daring work "a very important development" for Malay literature. "I think the trauma will trigger in the Malay mindset some questioning of long-held, deeply rooted cultural notions of non-confrontation."


After inadvertently giving the novel a blaze of publicity, the government has changed tack. Calling Shit unIslamic, officials are using it to discredit the opposition party Pas, of which Shahnon is a life member. But party chief Fadzil Noor is having none of that. The normally puritanical politician hails the book as a "major contribution." Vulgarity is "all right," he declares - as long as it fits the story.


"I have a bit of a split personality," Shahnon laughs. "People look at me and see a pious man, but there's a repressed side which comes out in my writing. That's when I don't censor myself. I let it all out." (A professor at the Malaysian Science University in Penang, he also headed its Islamic Center for 11 years until 1996.) There are other contradictions. He hopes for an Islamic state, yet revels in what most conservative Muslims would label sensationalism at best. For all Shahnon's antipathy toward Mahathir, the two men have many similarities. Both come from the northern state of Kedah, share the same blunt-speaking style and pugnacious audacity. Earlier this year, they were hospitalized for near-identical lung ailments. The coincidences seem unreal. Like something out of a novel.

Friday, August 1, 2008

TheGr8Debate

TheGr8Debate ...


If the Anwar-Shabery debate was anything to go by, it is apparent that the Government continues to deal with things the way it has always done: by burying its head in the sand.


In his enthusiasm to point us at the global fuel crisis, Shabery Cheek appears to have blinded himself to the obvious flaws in the system the Government created and maintains. I waited in vain for him to cut out Anwar Ibrahim's feet from under him by tactically acknowledging that long standing corruption had left us less capable of dealing with the crisis on hand for having robbed us of the invaluable resources needed for a more gradual and managed dismantling of subsidies.


But then, perhaps I should not single him out for blame. His perspective, that of the "there's nothing wrong with the way we do things" variety, is one that appears to be shared by fellow members of the cabinet. Speaking of the concerns expressed by the US State Department on the current investigations into Anwar Ibrahim, Foreign Minister Datuk Seri Dr Rais Yatim is reported as having defended the application of the Rule of Law in this country.


Dr Rais had indicated that he wished to enter into a debate on the subject with foreign critics. I am very much a Malaysian and do not as such qualify. I am certain however that the Minister will not begrudge me a round or two in the ring with him.


Allow me to start with a few concessions. I concede that there is in place a written constitution that is the supreme law. I also conceded that the primary institutions of a system of administration of justice - the Judiciary, the legal profession and the police force - exist, as do laws that are enacted by elected representatives in legislature. Additionally, I agree that provision is made for the appointment of judges, prosecutors and a host of other officers who man the system. But then, so do Zimbabwe and a number of countries in which the rule of law has collapsed. Burma in fact only recently unveiled a sparkling, bright constitution filled to the brim with the requisite bells and whistles. The point here is that the mere existence of the institutions that make up a system of administration of justice does not in itself give rise to the Rule of Law. That only exists when it can be said with certainty that the system by which justice is administered is one that is competent, of integrity and independent. The Minister might say that we have such a system. His fellow minister, the Home Affairs Minister might say it too. Their views, as relevant as they may be, are not definitive. Neither is that of the Prime Minister, the Foreign Minister, the Home Minister or the de facto Law Minister or the entire cabinet. It would not matter even if they assembled at the top of the Twin Towers along with every other Barisan Nasional member of parliament and proclaimed it to the heavens.

The only relevant point of view is that of the rakyat. As the Minister fully appreciates, a system is only effective if it inspires public confidence. Like justice, public confidence is in part a question of perception. The question is whether the Malaysian system inspires confidence. I think not and the average Malaysian cannot be blamed for thinking it. Through the last decade or so, we have heard from authoritative personalities of the low level of public confidence in the Judiciary. The events that resulted in the Lingam Royal Commission of Enquiry and its damning conclusions and recommendations merely reinforced belief that all was not well in the Judiciary and that something had to be done. The Government has recently acknowledged the need to appoint the best persons for the job and the need for reform to allow for that. Where the police force is concerned, a separate Royal Commission of Enquiry had found that abuses of power and corruption was sufficiently widespread for it to make numerous recommendations including the establishment of an Independent Police Complaints And Misconduct Commission. No significant changes have been made since the recommendations and the IPCMC remains a concept on the proverbial drawing board. No basis for increased confidence there, even if that was possible bearing in mind police actions over the last year or so. The Attorney General's Chambers has not been spared. Questions had been raised of the Attorney General's conduct when he was second chair in the prosecution of Anwar Ibrahim in 1998. The underlying issues were not raised, a matter that the Federal Court had reason to take note of. Since then the issues have come up again, this time as the subject of investigations by the Anti-Corruption Agency. This and recent decisions taken by the Attorney General have raised eyebrows, Malaysians being very aware that like the Inspector General of Police, the Attorney General is dependent on the largesse of the Prime Minister. The public image of these institutions has taken a serious beating, so much so that it would not be unreasonable for the average Malaysian to believe that the entire system needs an overhaul and until that is done the system will not work as it is meant to. With draconian laws such as the Internal Security Act and the Official Secrets Act in active use, it would not take much for one to believe equally that the law is an instrument of the Government and that the Government is above the law. And that, as the Minister undoubtedly appreciates, is Rule By Law. Over to you, Dr Rais...

R.E.F.O.R.M.A.S.I 1998-2008- PART 2

Selain mengubah Umno dan BN, gerakan reformasi juga memberikan impak yang besar terhadap dua parti tua pembangkang iaitu PAS dan DAP.

Pada 1999, Parti Keadilan Nasional (sekarang PKR setelah bergabung dengan PRM), PAS, DAP dan PRM telah membentuk satu pakatan yang digelar Barisan Alternatif (BA).
BA memberikan saingan yang hebat kepada BN dalam pilihanraya umum ke-10. Penyatuan parti pembangkang bawah BA telah menyebabkan pertarungan satu lawan satu di antara dua parti (BN dan BA) di kebanyakan kawasan.


Sentimen anti-Mahathir yang begitu kuat telah menyebabkan undi orang-orang Melayu beralih kepada BA. Bagaimanapun majoriti undi bukan Melayu masih lagi memihak kepada BN.
Pilihanraya 1999 menguntungkan PAS apabila Terengganu jatuh bawah penguasaannya, Kelantan kekal dan mendapat 27 kerusi parlimen berbanding dengan hanya tujuh kerusi parlimen yang diperolehinya pada 1995.DAP bernasib malang dalam pilihanraya tersebut apabila Lim Kit Siang dan Karpal Singh, dua jaguh DAP, gagal kembali ke parlimen.
Akan tetapi DAP mendapat lebihan satu kerusi, menjadikan jumlahnya 10 berbanding dengan sembilan kerusi yang diperolehinya pada pilihanraya umum sebelumnya.
Parti Keadilan Nasional, yang masih setahun jagung dan mentah, berjaya mendapat lima kerusi parlimen dan empat kerusi negeri.

Kejayaan gerakan reformasi dalam pilihanraya umum 1999 memberikan tamparan hebat kepada Mahathir selaku perdana menteri. Beliau diserang hebat dari dalam dan luar Umno.
Sebagai reaksi spontan kepada trend pengundi Melayu yang memihak kepada pembangkang, kerajaan Mahathir menyerang beberapa media cetak berbahasa Melayu yang bebas dan kritikal.
Tindakannya itu kerana semenjak permulaan gerakan Reformasi, Harakah, Eksklusif, Detik dan akhbar-akhbar tidak berkala menjadi sumber maklumat alternatif kepada orang-orang Melayu.
Akhbar mingguan independen Eksklusif dan majalah Detik ditutup, manakala Harakah telah dihadkan pengeluarannya dari dua kali seminggu kepada dua kali sebulan (sehinggalah saat ini).
Pakatan BA yang menjadi pencabar kuat kepada BN dalam pilihanraya 1999 tidak dapat bertahan lama, malangnya.

DAP sudah mula merasakan bahawa kekalahan Karpal, Kit Siang dan beberapa kawasan potensi adalah kerana penggabungannya dengan PAS dalam BA.
DAP akhirnya meninggalkan BA pada 21 September 2001, 10 hari selepas berlakunya tragedi 11 September di Amerika Syarikat.

Menurut Kerk Kim Hock dalam satu temubual selepas DAP keluar daripada gabungan pembangkang, penyokong-penyokong tradisi DAP tidak akan menyokong lagi parti itu jika DAP bekerjasama dengan PAS.

Dalam keadaan BN mengeksploitasikan isu negara Islam yang dibawa oleh PAS, ramai pengundi tradisi DAP tidak menyokong parti tersebut pada pilihanraya 1999.
PAS yang menjadi semakin kuat apabila berjaya menguasai Terengganu dan mempertahankan Kelantan sedikit demi sedikit menjadi angkuh dan melupakan agenda Reformasi.
PAS pada ketika itu terlupa atau "buat-buat lupa" bahawa kejayaan mereka merampas Terengganu atas dorongan rakyat mahukan Reformasi ditambah dengan sentimen kebenciaan rakyat kepada Mahathir yang sangat kuat.

Rakyat yang mengundi PAS juga mahukan skandal dan salah urus selama 25 tahun pentadbiran bekas MB Wan Mokhtar Wan Ahmad dibongkar dan dibawa kemuka pengadilan.
Akan tetapi pemerintahan PAS Terengganu tidak mengutamakan agenda Reformasi dan memerangi rasuah. Pada 12 November 2003, PAS melancarkan Dokumen Negara Islam.
Pelancaran dokumen ini telah menyebabkan DAP menjauhkan lagi daripada PAS dan pengundi-pengundi bukan Melayu menjadi takut. PAS sudah tersilap baca. Kesilapan ini akhirnya membawa padah kepada parti Islam terbesar tersebut.

Perang "anti terorisme" yang dibawa oleh George W Bush, pemegang mahzab politik "neocon" disambut oleh kerajaan BN. Usaha menakut-nakutkan pengundi bukan Melayu dilakukan secara terancang.
Mahathir menggunakan Akta Keselamatan Dalam Negeri (ISA) untuk menahan Kumpulan "Mujahidin" Malaysia yang kemudian tidak semena-mena ditukar namanya oleh polis kepada Kumpulan "Militan" Malaysia (KMM) pada pertengahan 2001 sebelum berlakunya tragedi 11 September.

Penggunaan ISA besar-besaran dimulakan dengan penahanan 10 aktivis Reformasi pada April dan dua pemimpin mahasiswa dua bulan kemudian 2001. BN juga mula melarang sebarang ceramah politik.
Pada Ogos 2001, “perang anti terorisme” telah dimulakan di Malaysia apabila kerajaan Mahathir menahan 10 orang anggota KMM, termasuk anak Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat.
Apabila berlaku peristiwa 11 September, tindakan Mahathir menggunakan ISA menjadi “halal”. Kerajaan Mahathir berbangga apabila Amerika Syarikat juga mahu memperkenalkan “Patriot Act” yang mirip kepada ISA.

Yang menjadi tanda tanya dalam fikiran saya sehingga ini: Apakah penahanan KMM pada Ogos 2001 hanyalah satu kebetulan? Atau, pihak perisikan Malaysia sudah mengetahui tentang tragedi 11 September yang bakal berlaku di Amerika Syarikat?
Begitu eratkah hubungan perisikan Malaysia dengan CIA?
Rapuhnya pakatan BA telah memberikan kekuatan kepada BN menjelang pilihanraya umum 2004. Apabila Abdullah Ahmad Badawi naik sebagai PM, harapan baru diberikan dan mandat yang besar diperolehi oleh BN dalam pilihanraya tahun itu.
Terengganu berjaya dirampas kembali oleh BN - jika pada 1999, PAS menguasai 28 kerusi, kali ini PAS hilang pula 28 kerusi negeri. Kelantan walaupun masih dipegang oleh PAS, pentadbirannya sentiasa goyang akibat majoriti yang kecil.
Abdullah yang dibantu oleh "pemikir tingkat empat" mencedok konsep "Masyarakat Sivil" (civil society) daripada gerakan Reformasi dengan mengantikan namanya kepada "Masyarakat Hadhari".
Tetapi beliau gagal membawa Reformasi kepada negara - janji-janjinya tidak ditunaikan. Perang rasuah yang ingin dibawanya hanyalah cakap-cakap kosong.
Saki-baki orang-orang Mahathir dalam pemerintahannya tidak dibersihkan sehingga "memakan" dirinya kembali. Mahathir seperti yang dikatakan oleh Musa Hitam baru-baru ini adalah "duri dalam daging" pemerintahan Abdullah.
Ketika Abdullah lemah akibat serangan Mahathir dan konco-konconya yang bertalu-talu, Anwar Ibrahim memainkan peranan untuk memperkuatkan pakatan pembangkang.
Anwar muncul "pendamai" konflik ideologi senyap PAS-DAP. Akhirnya Anwar berjaya mendorong PAS dan DAP duduk semeja. Kedua-dua parti tersebut bersetuju Anwar sebagai calon perdana menteri mereka.

Akibatnya PAS memperkenalkan garis Negara Berkebajikan (welfare state) dalam manifesto pilihanrayanya yang lalu dan menggugurkan agenda negara Islam.
PAS dilihat oleh pengundi-pengundi bukan Melayu sebagai "lebih liberal" dan berwajah baru. Penjenamaan semula yang dilakukan itu, bersama sejumlah faktor lain, berjaya mempengaruhi rakyat pelbagai kaum.
DAP yang sebelum ini dilihat sebagai "chauvinis" Cina juga menunjukkan mereka komited untuk membela semua kaum dan berjaya melunakkan hati pengundi Melayu, khususnya di bandar dan pekan kecil, untuk bersama mereka.
Selepas menang di Pulau Pinang, Lim Guan Eng yang menjadi ketua menteri baru bertekad untuk mengamalkan pemerintahan ala "Umar bin Abdul Aziz", seorang khalifah Islam yang terkenal dengan pemerintahannya yang bersih dan telus.
Guan Eng telah berjaya menggagalkan rancangan jahat pemimpin-pemimpin Umno Pulau Pinang yang mahu membangkitkan sentimen perkauman.
Menjelang 10 tahun gerakan reformasi yang akan genap usianya pada September ini, politik negara semakin berkocak.
Terbaru, Dr Mahathir keluar dari Umno dan menyeru pemimpin dan ahli untuk mengikut jejak langkahnya bagi memberikan tekanan kepada Abdullah untuk meletakkan jawatan. Dr Mahathir yang ditentang oleh gerakan Reformasi kerana pemerintahan kuku besinya masih lagi bebas "mengacau".
Kesilapan terbesar Abdullah ialah beliau tidak membersihkan sisa-sisa orang Mahathir dalam Umno dan pentadbirannya.
"Budak tingkat empat" yang menjadi pemikir kepada Abdullah hanya rakus untuk mengaut kekayaan daripada memberikan strategi politik yang betul kepada Abdullah.
Akibatnya, Abdullah hilang mandat besar yang diperolehinya pada 2004. Sekarang beliau terpaksa "bertarung" dengan pendekar-pendekar di dalam Umno (majoritinya orang Mahathir) yang menyalahkannya kerana BN hilang majoriti dua pertiga di parlimen.
Pakatan Rakyat yang lahir daripada gerakan Reformasi harus bijak mengharungi arus politik negara.
Jika tersilap langkah seperti apa yang dilakukan oleh PAS semasa memerintah Terengganu dan Abdullah Ahmad Badawi yang tidak membersihkan orang-orang Mahathir dalam pemerintahannya, Pakatan Rakyat juga akan menerima nasib yang sama.
Apakah 10 tahun Reformasi yang akan disambut pada September ini akan menyaksikan Pakatan Rakyat mengambil alih negara seperti yang dikatakan oleh Anwar baru-baru ini?
Ataupun Mahathir akan berjaya menaikkan Najib sebagai perdana menteri agar legasinya diteruskan?
Kita tunggu dan lihat. Sejarah telah membuktikan kemenangan sentiasa di tangan orang-orang yang berani dan bijak.

R.E.F.O.R.M.A.S.I 1998-2008- PART 1

Cepat sungguh masa berlalu....
Sedar tidak sedar, tinggal beberapa bulan lagi “gerakan reformasi”
Malaysiaakan menyambut ulang tahunnya yang ke-10.

Dalam tempoh satu dekad, pelbagai cabaran, onak dan duri telah dilalui, akan tetapi gerakan reformasi masih lagi hidup dengan subur dan mekar, terus relevan mewarnai arena politik negara. Banyak peristiwa besar berlaku dalam sepanjang perjalanan gerakan “organik” yang telah melahirkan beberapa perubahan besar dalam politik negara. Pencapaian tertinggi gerakan reformasi, antaranya, keputusan pilihanraya ke-12 lalu apabila kita dapat melihat ramai pengundi terutamanya di kawasan bandar telah berjaya “dicerahkan”. Politik perkauman yang dahulu menjadi tunjang kekuatan Barisan Nasional kini semakin tidak relevan.


Kita boleh lihat selepas pilihanraya, ramai pemimpin Umno
cuba untuk membangkitkan agenda ketuanan Melayu tetapi gagal mendapat sokongan akar umbi. Demonstrasi dan forum yang dianjurkan oleh kumpulan ini hanya dihadiri oleh peniaga-peniaga yang kehilangan kontrak kerajaan di beberapa negeri dan tidak daripada rakyat jelata.

Protes terpanjang Perlu diingatkan bahawa perjuangan reformasi yang bermula pada 1998 adalah antara siri protes politik yang terpanjang dalam sejarah
Malaysia. Pelbagai cara telah digunakan oleh pemerintah
Malaysia untuk membunuh protes ini, namun tidak berjaya. Semua jentera, “senjata” pemerintah seperti polis dan undang-undang kuku besi tidak berjaya mematikan gerakan ini.

Apakah rahsia gerakan reformasi mampu bertahan lama? Apa-apa gerakan sekalipun, jika tidak mendapat sokongan rakyat dan tidak bergerak secara “organik” pasti tidak akan berjaya. Lihatlah apa yang terjadi kepada perjuangan Parti Komunis Malaya (PKM) satu ketika dahulu. Walaupun PKM mempunyai agenda perjuangan yang suci iaitu untuk membebaskan
Malaysia (Malaya) seratus peratus daripada penjajahan dan menegakkan keadilan sosial, oleh kerana tidak mendapat sokongan yang meluas daripada rakyat secara berterusan, akhirnya perlahan-lahan perjuangan tersebut menemui kegagalan.

Gerakan reformasi disokong oleh rakyat pelbagai latar belakang politik, sosial dan ekonomi - buruh, petani, nelayan, pekerja kerajaan, guru, pelajar dan ramai lagi. Ia juga melangkaui batasan kaum dan agama.


Ada yang terlibat secara langsung dan ramai juga yang menyokong secara senyap-senyap. Mereka inilah yang sebenarnya menjadi tunjang kekuatan gerakan reformasi. Mereka menyampaikan maklumat dari mulut ke mulut sehingga hegemoni media pemerintah yang mengawal maklumat terbarai. Berita-berita yang disekat oleh media arus perdana sampai juga kepada rakyat, khususnya melalui internet, termasuk yang berada di kawasan luar bandar. Golongan ini jugalah yang meramaikan demonstrasi-demonstrasi prodemokrasi yang dianjurkan. Mereka tidak takut walaupun berhadapan dengan pelbagai risiko seperti hilang pekerjaan, tangkapan polis dan macam-macam lagi. Bongkar rasuah Pemimpin-pemimpin Pakatan Rakyat yang telah menang di beberapa negeri dalam pilihanraya yang lalu perlu sedar akan hakikat ini. Kemenangan mereka kerana sokongan rakyat daripada pelbagai latar belakang. Mereka naik kerana rakyat mahukan reformasi; bukan kerana pemimpin atau parti politik semata-mata.

Rakyat telah muak dengan Barisan Nasional yang telah memerintah selama 50 tahun. Jika wakil-wakil Pakatan Rakyat turut melupakan agenda perjuangan reformasi, mereka juga akan kehilangan sokongan daripada rakyat dan tidak mustahil penguasaan di beberapa negeri akan hilang. Rakyat sekarang ini telah bijak untuk berfikir dan menilai. Belajarlah daripada pengalaman Abdullah Ahmad Badawi. Ketika baru diangkat naik sebagai perdana menteri, harapan rakyat kepadanya menggunung selepas 22 tahun berada bawah pemerintahan Dr Mahathir Mohamad yang kuku besi.

Abdullah menang pilihanraya 2004 dengan majoriti yang luar biasa besar kerana mendat dan harapan yang diberikan oleh rakyat untuk melihat perubahan berlaku di
Malaysia. Abdullah pada ketika itu berjanji untuk membawa reformasi dalam pemerintahannya, antaranya, agenda terpenting yang kononnya ingin dilaksanakan oleh Abdullah ialah membasmi rasuah. Sebelum pilihanraya 2004, Abdullah berjanji untuk menghapuskan rasuah dan membawa pelaku-pelaku rasuah kemuka pengadilan.

Ketika itu Dr Rais Yatim sebagai menteri di Jabatan Perdana Menteri mengumumkan 18 kes rasuah yang berprofil tinggi akan dibawa ke muka pengadilan. Kenyataan ini akhirnya terbukti hanyalah retorik untuk mendapat undi popular dan ternyata Abdullah dan Rais berbohong kepada rakyat. Sebagai jawapan kepada penipuan Abdullah dan Rais ini, rakyat menghukum Barisan Nasional pada pilihanraya umum Mac lalu. Kerajaan Pakatan Rakyat di Selangor, Perak, Pulau Pinang dan Kedah harus belajar daripada pengalaman Abdullah ini. Sekarang, masanya Pakatan untuk membongkarkan segala kegiatan rasuah yang dilakukan oleh pemerintahan terdahulu. Kegiatan rasuah ini perlu diketahui oleh umum walaupun ia melibatkan Raja atau bekas menteri - tiada siapa yang kebal di sisi undang-undang.

'Cetak rompak' agenda reformasi Selain Abdullah yang “mencetak rompak” agenda reformasi, Dr Mahathir yang pernah menjadi musuh nombor satu gerakan reformasi satu ketika dahulu juga turut tidak ketinggalan. Dr Mahathir tahu, untuk terus kekal relevan, beliau harus berada selari dengan agenda dan tuntutan reformasi. Maka, apabila beliau bertembung dengan pemerintahan Abdullah, beliau juga bercakap tidak ubah seperti musuh utamanya Anwar Ibrahim. Ramai yang terperanjat apabila Mahathir mengatakan
Malaysiaadalah "negara polis". Ramai yang berasa seperti berada di dalam mimpi apabila Mahathir bercakap amalan politik wang di dalam Umno. Ramai yang tidak percaya apabila Mahathir mempertikaikan kebebasan media di
Malaysia. Sewaktu beliau masih berkuasa, inilah yang dilakukan oleh Mahathir. Tidak mengapalah, mungkin beliau telah insaf (atau lupa?) dan ingin membantu memenangkan agenda reformasi.

Menantu kesayangan Abdullah - yang kini ahli parlimen Rembau - tidak ketinggalan untuk bernada selari dengan agenda gerakan reformasi. Baru-baru ini sewaktu berucap pada forum anjuran Kesatuan Wartawan Kebangsaan (NUJ) bertajuk "Kebebasan Akhbar: Pilihanraya Umum 2008" sempena Hari Kebebasan Akhbar Sedunia di Kuala Lumpur, Khairy Jamaluddin menuntut agar Akta Penerbitan dan Mesin Cetak dimansuhkan. Akta ini yang menjadi musuh utama kepada kebebasan media di
Malaysia, menurut Khairy, perlu dimansuhkan agar media arus perdana terus relevan di mata rakyat.

Menantu PM juga tahu beliau masih lagi muda dan mahu terus kekal relevan dalam arena politik negara. Maka beliau telah membuang egonya dan menyuarakan mengenai pentingnya kebebasan media yang merupakan salah satu daripada tuntutan utama gerakan reformasi.